Articles

Almost every important election in the world in recent years — especially in post-Soviet countries — has been accompanied by allegations of manipulations of the results. To determine whether such allegations are plausible, the identification of a pattern of electoral behaviour across specific territories appears necessary. Based on the analysis of the results of about 30 elections — from 1991 to 2014 — across the municipal districts of Donetsk, the article shows that electoral support of both winners and non-dominant political forces is rather stable and proportional. Over the period of nearly 25 years, the proportionality ratios between municipal districts during fair elections have not been affected by major changes, despite the evolution and transformation of the political agenda. The article argues that based on these results, the degree of deviation of particular districts can be traced and studied. Thus, using the reliable percentage values of electoral support even in only one of the districts, it is possible to predict the results of a particular election at both, the district level and municipal level as a whole.

Mathematical methods are today the most popular way of evaluating the voting results, providing insight on their reliability. In Russia and in the rest of the world, there is a need to develop scientific tools for the application of mathematical research methods to assess the election results, especially if such results are considered fraudulent by the public. The author examines four case studies: Mexico, Great Britain, Afghanistan, Russia, discussing advantages and disadvantages of adopting mathematical research methods in evaluating the election results. The article finds that the reason for the refusal of the state authorities to conduct such an assessment of election results, may be first of all the nature of the actors requesting the ex-post analysis, namely a non-professional political scientists and the opposition, aiming at identifying electoral fraud. Indeed, a mathematical evaluation of the election results can show approximately the same balance of forces and dynamics of the electoral process that were already well known even before. Indeed, in countries where government agencies refuse to conduct such an assessment, independent experts rely on the resources of civil society and international organizations. For all these reasons, the article concludes suggesting that state authorities should implement the process of evaluation of election results using mathematical methods, as well as provide clear guidance for conducting such a process.

The article considers the main factors contributing to the tension in interethnic relations in the Russian North Caucasus: contradictions and conflicts between the federal center and the subjects of the federation; ethnic territorial conflicts; ethnic status conflicts associated with the relationship of the titular and non-titular population; ethnic economic conflicts related to ethnic preferences in labor activity and redistribution of property; ethnic confessional problems caused by the use of a religious factor in ethnic political mobilization; political contradictions between the subjects of the federation within the North Caucasus Federal District. Beyond all these elements, the danger posed by the revitalization of radical Islam / Islamic fundamentalism in the region is also discussed and emphasized. Although according to many experts, there is currently no reason to designate North Caucasus as a region characterized by ethnopolitical crisis and in permanent conflict, the author indicates several problematic issues. The main focus of analysis, indeed, looks at the problems of inefficiency of both, the corrupted North Caucasian ethnocratic elites and the officials of the North Caucasus Federal District. This unsolved problem makes still possible the return to a negative scenario of ethnic political development of the whole region.

The article explores the effect of the implementation of digital technologies able to affect the modern processes in the field of political management. The starting assumption is that the key political actor — the state — is undergoing today an important transformation. The article starts by analysing the concept of ‘sovereignty’ in a broad historical perspective, as well as in its modern interpretation (through the lens of neorealism, neoliberalism and post-positivism). Although in the conditions of hybrid confrontation the virtual space appears a challenge to sovereignty, the state remains a powerful actor. The key task of the state today indeed is the control of the virtual space, while the protection of the ‘information sovereignty’ becomes a priority in the framework of its information policy. The definition of the concept of ‘information sovereignty’ used in the article is drawn on the comparison of different available approaches. The authors finally suggest different directions through which the protection of ‘information sovereignty’ can be implemented, namely the development of information infrastructure, the identification of threats and the creation of an appropriate legislative framework.

The article takes into consideration different important approaches to understand the concept of state sovereignty in the modern world. The article analyses the views of “traditionalists” and “globalists” on the problem of sovereignty in the context of international relations. In recent years, indeed, Russia regained full-fledged sovereignty in all aspects of this concept, having re-balanced monetary and social policies, paid off foreign debts, diversified foreign trade, ensured food security, reduced its dependence on imports, achieved a low level of inflation, significantly reformed and strengthened the armed forces. Not surprisingly, in 2020 a considerable attention was paid to the political and legal protection of sovereignty. The article examines the implementation of various aspects of the concept of sovereignty in the framework of the amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation and the 17 laws passed through the State Duma of the Russian Federation in 2020. The article concludes with an overview of a number of initiatives in the framework of ‘parliamentary diplomacy’ that were launched over the last few years and that serve to strengthen the country's authority on the global stage, and, therefore, protect Russian sovereignty.

The article is a review of the edited volume “The Past for the Present: History- Memory and Narratives of National Identity”, published in 2020. The monograph represents the new work of the Center of Intellectual History of the Institute of World History at the Russian Academy of Science, edited by Lorina P. Repina, head of the Center. The main topic analyzed in the book is the complex relationship between the concepts of ‘history’ and ‘memory’, and the role of historiography and collective memory in the formation of national and nation-state identity. The volume analyzes the specifi c issue drawing on the examples and evidence from Russia and other countries, comparing the mechanisms of interaction between historical science and collective memory in forming national identity. It should be recognized, indeed, the benefi t and prospects of this approach, emphasizing how history and historical memory are inextricably intertwined and how one of the points of their intersection constitute what we can call national identity. Although history and historical memory may diff er and even take diff erent directions, both these strands play an important role in the formation of national identity. Historical memory is inseparable from the social group that ‘holds’ it, and its meaning is mainly internal, an instrument of self-identifi cation. On the other hand, historical knowledge, which has reached a scientifi c level, has a more orderly, presentable appearance and it is addressed to an external audience. Thus, historical memory forms the foundations of national identity, and historical thought can provide historical memory with original facts and images and help to consolidate national and nation-state identity, primarily through state narratives and educational books.

The article discusses the main features of the consolidation of the dialogue between the Russian nuclear industry and public environmental organizations in a situation characterized by the declining appeal of the nuclear industry. The research demonstrates that public environmental organizations, experts and academics, play a signifi cant role in the transformation of the social perception of nuclear energy, from its inadmissibility to a new degree of relevance. The article provides a historical overview of the public activity concerning the environmental protection, from its inception to the recent stage, when public environmental organizations gained some infl uence over the decision-making process concerning the development of some economic sectors (illustrated by the example of the nuclear industry). The author highlights several important types of public ecological organizations activity, from concrete actions of activists (picketing, rallies, protests), to the involvement of citizens in the decision-making process by engaging in a constructive dialogue between the state and the society. The article provides a set of specifi c conditions which are necessary for an eff ective cooperation and work of the expert community, reaching the conclusion that public environmental organizations have exercised signifi cant impact on the decisions of public authorities due to the fact that their leaders are members of intelligentsia and leading experts in the fi eld, namely: military servants, scientists, politicians.

The article provides an analysis of the main role characteristics of a parliamentarian, as well as the theoretical foundations of the political and psychological research dealing with the personality of politicians. Based on these foundations, the research provides a model for a political and psychological analysis of the personal and professional potential of young parliamentarians. Methodologically, the research relies on the biographical analysis hand in hand with content analysis, observation, and in-depth interviews. This methodology has been applied to the analysis of the personality of all young deputies of the State Duma, defi ned by their age (under 35). The study shows that among the main traits of the young legislators prevail those related to achievement and power. On the other hand, affi liation appears as the least developed, indicating the dedication of young deputies in the direction of chosen priorities and emphasizing high ambition among their main leadership qualities. In terms of type of political leadership, the majority of young deputies can be labelled as “administrators”, while the number of extroverts exceeds the number of introverts. Most young legislators appear to have low selfesteem and a complex self-concept, factors that enhance their commitment on the one hand, and manageability by the top management on the other. Two archetypes, “Agitator — Apolitical — Motive of Power” and “Administrator — Pragmatist — Motive of Achievement” identifi ed by the research, confi rm the current request from the federal government for “speaking” and subordinated individuals.