Articles

This article presents a comparative analysis, using Boolean algebra algorithms, of the prerequisites for color revolutions. The author off ers for verifi cation a hypothesis on the infl uence of four factors — ideological division of the political elite; unity of the opposition; participation in the political process of forces external to the political system; and support of the population — on the outcome of the color revolutions. Based on the confi gurations of factors obtained, a conclusion is drawn for each country-case of the necessary and suffi cient reasons for the color revolutions. Some of the analyzed scenarios of color revolutions (mainly in former Soviet countries) were realized under the infl uence of all four factors, while other cases — mainly events in the countries of North Africa and the Middle East — were caused by combinations of two or three factors. A necessary but not suffi cient reason for the emergence of color revolutions is “support of the population.” In combination with other causes, it forms two compositions of factors that are suffi cient for the emergence of a color revolution. The first is a combination of the factors “support of the population” and “ideological division of the political elite”; this is suffi cient even in the absence of “support from outside” and “unity of the opposition.” Secondly, a combination of the factors “support of the population,” “support from the outside” and “unity of the opposition” is suffi cient even in the absence of the “ideological division of political elites.”

The purpose of the article is to consider the theoretical problems of coexistence and interaction of the culture of the titular ethnic group and the cultures of ethnic minorities in the national state. To this purpose the author analyzes the phenomenon of the national state in a historical aspect, uses sociological data, and also analyzes international treaties, analyzes various points of view of scientists. It is stated that the common civil (political) culture in the national state (national culture) has a supra-ethnic character and does not express the interests of any particular ethnic group, including the titular one, at the same time it replaces ethnic cultures, calling into question their full development. A number of arguments are presented in support of the existence and domination of the national culture. It is argued that the national state inevitably protects certain concepts of the good, but this should not lead to anyone’s discrimination. The author concludes that the presence of a national morally colored policy can paradoxically be combined with liberalism, in particular, if such a policy is objectively necessary for ensuring rights and freedoms. As for ethnic cultures, the author sees the fair rules of their interaction in ensuring that each of them, through deliberative procedures, can infl uence the changing national identity.

The author examines the political-philosophical and sociological aspects of the formatting of violence in international relations (IR). The study reactualizes concepts aimed at the advancement of the world community toward social justice and the absence of war based on the optimization of political and legal regulation of IR. The analysis connects the teleology of “social justice” with the functional and systemic approaches to the hierarchy of regulators of violence, which theoretically substantiates the prospects of international “pacifi cation.” The activation of the problem of progress towards social justice was stimulated in international-political theory both by the memory of the world wars and the Cold War and by modern changes in social reality — the turbulence of world politics. Such a hierarchy is an indispensable condition for overcoming the imbalances that arise in the anarchistic variety of regulators; it orders the subordination of regulatory complexes (formats) that determine the regulation of international relations.

This article addresses the issue of defi ning the determinants of electoral diff erentiation over the territory of a large city, with he city of Donetsk and the elections held in it from 1991 to 2012 used as the example. The characteristics of the electoral geography of a large city are described in detail, and the issues of their “causes” as well as markers of detected determinants are discussed. The following methods of mathematical statistics were used: the study of voting results and their comparison with socio-demographic indicators (especially with population census results) using the Pearson correlation coeffi cient; the determination coeffi cient; variance analysis ; and multiple regression analysis. The study maintains that there were two main determinants of the electoral geography of Donetsk: 1) a more signifi cant “Center — Periphery”; and 2) a less signifi cant “East — West.” In authentic elections these determinants have explained up to 99% of the variations in the main electoral indicators in the districts of the city. The demographic markers of these two determinants were the proportion of people with higher education and the ethnic composition of the population. Falsifi cation of election results causes a signifi cant decrease in the statistical reliability of the identifi ed links.

This article presents an analysis of the main contradictions in U.S. — European Union relations in the area of defense policy during the presidency of Donald Trump. The author examines the principal steps taken by the EU towards the formation of “strategic autonomy” in the military sphere and indicates the directions of the further development of an independent EU defense potential. The most important defense projects implemented by the EU independent of NATO are also considered. Particular attention is paid to existing disagreements between the parties on NATO funding. Questions related to the ongoing intra-EU discussions about the possible creation of its own army are likewise analyzed. This study allows us to identify, problematize and characterize the key features of the current stage of relations between the United States and the European Union in defense policy. The author concludes that despite attempts to create its own defense potential, the EU today is not able to off er a full-fl edged alternative to the existing system led by NATO. However, the actions and rhetoric of the American administration could push the Europeans to more decisive action.

This article examines aspects of the interaction between transnational elites and civil society in the modern world. The author focuses in the main on the infl uence 20 of transnational elites on organizations of the “third sector,” political parties and their leadership, and on the media. The articles sets out the principal content borne by the concepts “transnational elites” and “civil society.” The analysis shows that transnational elites tend to turn a well-developed “third sector” into an eff ective counterbalance to the national state. Thus they actively fi nance and support its activities, since the opposition of the “third sector” and the national state weakens them as the main competitors of transnational elites on the world stage. According to the author, political practice of the second half of the 20th century and the fi rst decades of the 21st shows that transnational elites have managed to bring their proteges to political leadership in a number of countries, thus increasing their infl uence on the adoption of many political decisions. In order to achieve their own goals, these elites use and indeed monopolize the media in various countries of the world community as a powerful means of infl uencing public opinion, in the process violating one of the fundamental principles of democracy: equal access to the media for all citizens.

This article presents an analysis of political processes in the post-Soviet space from the 1990s to the fi rst half of the 2010s through the prism of the foreign policy doctrines of Russia and the United States. For Russia, the region of “near abroad” is a zone of vital interests and priorities. At the same time, the basis of the Russian foreign policy in the CIS space in the post-Soviet period is the goal of political and economic reintegration of the region. The reintegration eff orts of the Russian Federation in the post-Soviet space are an important component of the course towards strengthening Russia’s position in the world as one of the global centers capable of implementing an independent foreign policy. For the United States, the most important task in the region is countering the integration eff orts of Russia, which, in turn, is viewed in the context of preventing the formation of a political and economic pole in Eurasia that could undermine American global leadership. Both Russian and American approaches to politics in the post-Soviet space are closely linked with their understanding of European and Eurasian integration projects as well as the principles of building a common European security system. The revitalization of Russia in the international arena and the consistent development of the Eurasian integration project led to an aggravation of the Russian-American confrontation in the region, a natural consequence and manifestation of which was the Ukraine crisis.

This article examines the increasing infl uence of real practices of civic activism in online communities on the specifi cs of incorporating civic activists’ projects into the political agenda. The institutionalization of network civic activism in recent years 8 has made it possible to implement network practices into political reality, moving them to a new level of infl uence thanks to the construction of numerous inclusive horizontal connections. The fact is that global changes in the post-information society have contributed to a steady “deliverance” from communications monopolies, creating a delicate balance of state interests and the interests of society and the individual. The fi rst part of the article shows that current network communities are not a shapeless mass but clearly structured by horizontal non-hierarchical ties. The information and communication abundance of today allows actors to eff ectively apply individual and collective actions in implementing political and non-political activities. According to the author, civic activity is capable of forming important vectors of socio-political development; grass-roots mobilization of citizens is a coordinating tool of civil society and is contributing to the slow transformation of the political system in Russia.