Articles

The leading states of the modern world declare the creation and implementation of large-scale political projects aimed at changing certain areas of world politics in accordance with their economic, social, military-strategic and socio-cultural interests. In 2014, Vladimir Putin outlined the contours of the “great project” of the Russian state-civilization in his address to the Federal Assembly. In the same year, Barack Obama, speaking from the United Nations rostrum, laid out the general characteristics of the new American civilizational project. In 2016, Martin Schultz formulated the concept of an updated “Europe” civilizational project. From 2017 to 2019 Latin American, Asian and African political leaders presented their own political projects at the regional and global levels. Conceptualization of such projects is successfully carried out in modern social sciences and humanities studies. This takes place on transcontinental, civilizational, geopolitical, ideological and military-strategic grounds. At the same time, the terminological apparatus of the last four has been developed in detail and has passed the necessary testing in modern social sciences and humanities studies. That notwithstanding, the transcontinental basis for the identifi cation of large-scale political projects has not received proper conceptualization. This article presents the author’s formulation of the concept of “transcontinental political project,” defi ned by its essential characteristics, the mechanisms of formation of such projects and the diff erences between a transcontinental political project and civilizational and global projects.

This essay’s part contains two relatively independent sections. At the beginning of the text, the authors discuss the mental and civilizational mission of Christianity in England, in particular the Catholic and Celtic churches. The mental and civilizational foundations, as well as the distinctive statehood of the future British nation, were laid in the process of their multidimensional interaction. The second section describes the stages of the transition from impersonal, undogmatic, autochthonous polymentality to the formation of a subjective, dogmatic, monotheistic mentality among the inhabitants of the British Isles. The fundamental political and psychological result of the Christianization of the British elites was the emergence of new mental properties. First of all, subjective identity as awareness of the exclusivity of one’s potential, and also the ability to political refl ection and to identify oneself with the goal of political activity. The British elite’s uniqueness is due to the peculiarities of the historical development and formation of their subjectivity, which gave rise to a special ruling regime and original political culture.

This study reconstructs the ideas of patriotism and nationalism in the perception of modern Japanese youth, analyzing the two concepts through the prism of such categories as the image of the country, the image of a political leader, shame and pride, national problems and international relations. The author presents the results of interviews with Japanese students, drawing conclusions on this basis about the patriotism of modern Japanese youth. The main trend can be considered an orientation towards culture and cooperation. Japanese youth convey a commitment to soft power and disclaim the possibility of military confl icts. The author draws a conclusion about the peace-loving nature of modern Japanese youth and its commitment to “constructive” patriotism.

With the advent of a suffi ciently large number of young politicians, a comprehensive study of this generation not previously undertaken in our research has become possible. The political-psychological approach proposed by the author takes into account the subject-object character of youth in politics and is based on a combination of political, institutional and psychological principles of research. The approach is to study young political leaders both as separate individuals and as a generational community, combining generalized analysis with individual case studies. The fi rst of these methods makes it possible to obtain a socio-demographic profi le of the young political elite, revealing gender relations, prevailing levels and directions of education, their compliance with the positions held, as well as mechanisms and ways of entering the world of politics among young people. The method of studying individual cases involves the study of young politicians from the standpoint of analyzing their personal characteristics, among which the author highlights the self-concept, motivation, style of interpersonal relations and style of political behavior. The study of individual representatives of the young elite from this position allows us to get an idea about this generation’s ways of exercising power as well as to assess the prognostic potential of the young elite. The proposed approach to the study of the younger generation of politicians can contribute to the process of optimization of personnel policy and the formation of an eff ective system of recruiting young leaders.

The focus of this article is the state policy of the Russian Federation in the fi eld of physical education of undergraduate students. The subject of the study is an indicative assessment of this public policy from the perspective of an integrative approach. The author raises the question of the validity of the current quality indicator, enshrined in regulatory legal acts, of the implementation of state policy in the fi eld of undergraduate physical education. Based on an analysis of the strategic objectives and the regulatory framework of this policy as well as the characteristics of the infl uence of students’ physical education on human capital indicators, the article demonstrates the unsatisfactory quality of the selection of quality indicators for the implementation of state policy. As an alternative, the author proposes to consider the quality of the formation at the university of a motivational-value attitude among students towards physical education and sports. The article further describes the methodology for assessing this indicator, which is based on the use of sociological survey methods and mathematical modeling. The author concludes by presenting the results of testing this methodology using the example of Lomonosov Moscow State University.

Several decades ago, coding systems were developed for event analysis: Charles McClelland introduced the event analysis coding system WEIS (World Event Interaction Survey) and Edward Azar developed COPDAB (Confl ict and Peace Data Bank). In these systems the encoding process is performed by translating a verbal message about an event into a formalized set of data in a specifi c format. Both systems were created during the Cold War to analyze inter-state interactions; their use did not involve analysis of ethnic confl icts, organized crime, multilateral interventions or other threats. They were replaced by the integrated Confl ict Early Warning System (ICEWS). However, this system is still not widely used and all existing real-event analysis systems are based on WEIS and COPDAB. If one takes into account modern methods of interaction between states and introduce new indicators into the initial WEIS event analysis, the system can be used to study interstate relations at the present stage. The author attempts to use this system for the analysis of relationships between the Russian Federation and a selection of Caribbean countries.

In the analysis of the political process time can be represented as an institution — a set of temporal rules that are meant to be a resource and a constraint at the same time. These temporal rules are a constitutive element for any political system. They become a key point in the institutionalization of political order owing to their infl uence on the process of political decision-making and the choice of political instruments. The theoretical and methodological foundations of this approach, however, remain understudied. Turning to the theoretical basis of historical institutionalism and historical sociology, the author highlights the main methods of analyzing time as an institution in political science. The fi rst is the method of analytical decomposition of an event series: the emergence and development of temporal rules are presented in a sequence of decision-making series. Possible alternatives, the cumulative eff ects of time and the multiplicity of temporal variants of institutional functions are the focus of analysis here. The second method is that of structural-conditional analysis. For various types of political regimes, as well as in conditions of social, technological and bureaucratic acceleration and the forms of political participation generated by it, time can be understood as one of the limiting factors necessary for the articulation, discussion, adoption, implementation and consolidation of a decision.

This article discusses the main problems and threats that arise in connection with the study and exploration of outer space. Based on a theoretical review of these space challenges, the author maintains that the unresolved nature and further exacerbation of problems in the fi eld of space exploration pose a threat to both multilateral space activities and the security of all participants in contemporary world politics. Therefore, he continues, it is necessary to develop the most eff ective methods of solving the problems with the equal and active participation of all actors in “space relations.” In addition, the article concludes. it is extremely important to establish and maintain a regime for the free exploration and use of outer space, its objects and resources, by all participants in space activities — including the states and commercial organizations that are increasingly involved in the study and development of near space in the 21st century.

This article attempts to formulate the key features and defi nitions of buff er zones by comparing the positions of Russian and foreign specialists and analyzing the process of the creation of such buff ers in the 20th century. Variants of a wide and narrow approach to the interpretation of the “buff er zone” concept are proposed by the author and the concept is compared with other territories with a special regime — enclaves and exclaves, mandate territories and territories under international guardianship — that are close in meaning and character but far from them in goals and content. Given the fact that this study is mainly focused on the events of the fi rst half of the 20th century, the author does not consider other dependent territories with special status, such as vassal territories, dominions and others. Since the main focus is on the strategic presence of Russia and Japan in the East Asian region, most of the examples and analytical positions, are focused on the eastern direction of scholarly thought. This is important due to the fact that East Asia, as a specifi c geographical and ethnocultural region, had tangible features in the construction of buff er spaces and territories. They were expressed in a lower degree of participation of the international community in comparison with other regions of the world,; in the deep historical traditions of interaction of the states present in the region; in a mentality that does not presuppose haste and quick and radical solutions; in the absence of colonial practices; and in other ways.

This article treats the study of the theoretical foundations of the use of social technologies in foreign policy, describing various stages in the development of social technologies as well as their role in the foreign policy of modern states in achieving a leading position in the international arena. The author maintains that in the context of a changing world order, states seeking to strengthen their positions in the world actively use various forms and methods of humanitarian infl uence on the populations and political leadership of opposing states. Modern states employ various forms and types of social technologies, the article continues, for expansion in various areas of geopolitical space: territorial, economic, informational, social, cultural and ideological. The author further outlines the various forms and means of applying social technologies in foreign policy that are included in the arsenal of non-military methods for implementing a nation’s foreign policy objectives.