Articles

This article presents an analysis of political processes in the post-Soviet space from the 1990s to the fi rst half of the 2010s through the prism of the foreign policy doctrines of Russia and the United States. For Russia, the region of “near abroad” is a zone of vital interests and priorities. At the same time, the basis of the Russian foreign policy in the CIS space in the post-Soviet period is the goal of political and economic reintegration of the region. The reintegration eff orts of the Russian Federation in the post-Soviet space are an important component of the course towards strengthening Russia’s position in the world as one of the global centers capable of implementing an independent foreign policy. For the United States, the most important task in the region is countering the integration eff orts of Russia, which, in turn, is viewed in the context of preventing the formation of a political and economic pole in Eurasia that could undermine American global leadership. Both Russian and American approaches to politics in the post-Soviet space are closely linked with their understanding of European and Eurasian integration projects as well as the principles of building a common European security system. The revitalization of Russia in the international arena and the consistent development of the Eurasian integration project led to an aggravation of the Russian-American confrontation in the region, a natural consequence and manifestation of which was the Ukraine crisis.

This article examines the increasing infl uence of real practices of civic activism in online communities on the specifi cs of incorporating civic activists’ projects into the political agenda. The institutionalization of network civic activism in recent years 8 has made it possible to implement network practices into political reality, moving them to a new level of infl uence thanks to the construction of numerous inclusive horizontal connections. The fact is that global changes in the post-information society have contributed to a steady “deliverance” from communications monopolies, creating a delicate balance of state interests and the interests of society and the individual. The fi rst part of the article shows that current network communities are not a shapeless mass but clearly structured by horizontal non-hierarchical ties. The information and communication abundance of today allows actors to eff ectively apply individual and collective actions in implementing political and non-political activities. According to the author, civic activity is capable of forming important vectors of socio-political development; grass-roots mobilization of citizens is a coordinating tool of civil society and is contributing to the slow transformation of the political system in Russia.

The leading states of the modern world declare the creation and implementation of large-scale political projects aimed at changing certain areas of world politics in accordance with their economic, social, military-strategic and socio-cultural interests. In 2014, Vladimir Putin outlined the contours of the “great project” of the Russian state-civilization in his address to the Federal Assembly. In the same year, Barack Obama, speaking from the United Nations rostrum, laid out the general characteristics of the new American civilizational project. In 2016, Martin Schultz formulated the concept of an updated “Europe” civilizational project. From 2017 to 2019 Latin American, Asian and African political leaders presented their own political projects at the regional and global levels. Conceptualization of such projects is successfully carried out in modern social sciences and humanities studies. This takes place on transcontinental, civilizational, geopolitical, ideological and military-strategic grounds. At the same time, the terminological apparatus of the last four has been developed in detail and has passed the necessary testing in modern social sciences and humanities studies. That notwithstanding, the transcontinental basis for the identifi cation of large-scale political projects has not received proper conceptualization. This article presents the author’s formulation of the concept of “transcontinental political project,” defi ned by its essential characteristics, the mechanisms of formation of such projects and the diff erences between a transcontinental political project and civilizational and global projects.

The article attempts to provide a systematic analysis of the phenomenon of dogmatic thinking explaining its signifi cance for political and psychological research. The publication contains four relatively independent sections. First, the author discusses the dogma and dogmatic thinking concepts, their content, meanings, and functions. Dogmas have integrative properties and are considered as a factor of socialization, able to form a systemic model of the world in mass consciousness. The second part of the article deals with the “law of context,” the psychological mechanisms of contextualization, decontextualization, refl ection, and their importance in understanding political problems. The third part develops the thesis that dogmas can be seen as the dominant contextual system, a building block for the formation of mental matrices and the main paradigm of political thinking. Finally, the last part investigates the essence of dogma as the basis of political mentality. The author concludes refl ecting on the heuristic potential of the dogmatic principle in the study of global mental-political systems.

This essay’s part contains two relatively independent sections. At the beginning of the text, the authors discuss the mental and civilizational mission of Christianity in England, in particular the Catholic and Celtic churches. The mental and civilizational foundations, as well as the distinctive statehood of the future British nation, were laid in the process of their multidimensional interaction. The second section describes the stages of the transition from impersonal, undogmatic, autochthonous polymentality to the formation of a subjective, dogmatic, monotheistic mentality among the inhabitants of the British Isles. The fundamental political and psychological result of the Christianization of the British elites was the emergence of new mental properties. First of all, subjective identity as awareness of the exclusivity of one’s potential, and also the ability to political refl ection and to identify oneself with the goal of political activity. The British elite’s uniqueness is due to the peculiarities of the historical development and formation of their subjectivity, which gave rise to a special ruling regime and original political culture.

The article presents an analysis of the protest potential of self-organization among citizens in the context of the emergence of new social and technological opportunities provided by modern media structures and institutions. The analysis of the potential for protest of Russian citizens rests on the hypothesis that various network-based communication methods, hand in hand with specifi c internal and external factors, can result in a “gathering” and “conversion” of the public energy into virtual or real protest potential. Based on the case studies of public protests against the unifi cation of the Nenets Autonomous district with the Arkhangelsk region, local actions against the development of Shikhan Kushtau and a series of online rallies as new forms of civil activism, the authors partially confi rm their hypothesis. More broadly, the article analyses the existence of a “communication gap” between the government and society, the shift of the “energy” of the protest potential in Russian society to new online platforms. Finally, the authors refl ect on the general problem of identifying and solving a number of hidden “social issues” that can constitute the bedrock of online protests in the future. The methodological basis of the research relies on conceptual provisions developed within the framework of the theory of communication by C. Shirky, A.I. Solovyov, M.N. Grachev, and M.D. Rich. In particular, the theoretical framework provides tools to interpret causes, mechanisms, and consequences of network-based involvement of citizens in protest actions of various types and levels.

This study reconstructs the ideas of patriotism and nationalism in the perception of modern Japanese youth, analyzing the two concepts through the prism of such categories as the image of the country, the image of a political leader, shame and pride, national problems and international relations. The author presents the results of interviews with Japanese students, drawing conclusions on this basis about the patriotism of modern Japanese youth. The main trend can be considered an orientation towards culture and cooperation. Japanese youth convey a commitment to soft power and disclaim the possibility of military confl icts. The author draws a conclusion about the peace-loving nature of modern Japanese youth and its commitment to “constructive” patriotism.

The article provides an analysis of the fundamental foundations of the anti- Russian discourse in the European Union, suggesting possible explanations for its escalation in contemporary European politics, in both the academic and expert community and in the mass media. The author suggests that the anti-Russian discourse in the EU should not be viewed as a series of random coincidences and not even as a coordinated one-time campaign, but rather as a part of an integral geopolitical strategy. This strategy has an impact on the social space (informational, ideological, semantic), within which the anti-Russian discourse is one of the tools of the European Union and NATO expansion to the East, closer to the borders of the Russian Federation. One of the most important reasons for the constant anti- Russian rhetoric is associated with European Union’s problems in achieving its own “strategic autonomy,” i.e. a unifi ed security and defense policy. The growth of European Russophobia is also associated with the desire to gain competitive advantages in the growing economic rivalry on the world stage. Furthermore, the incessant attacks on Russia are rooted in the erosion of the common European identity, the loss of the attractiveness of European values, as they are understood in the modern establishment of the European Union. Finally, the scope of the anti-Russian rhetoric is explained by the diffi culties experienced by the so-called “European solidarity,” the internal cohesion of the European Union as an integral entity.

This article provides a review of theses presented at the round table “The Strategy of Sustainable Development in the Context of 21st c. Political Processes,” held at the Lomonosov Moscow State University Department of Political Science in conjunction with the V International Scholarly Congress “Global Studies-2017” (Moscow, September 25–30, 2017). Participants focused on the complex of political, philosophical, social and economic problems connected with the “sustainable development” category.

With the advent of a suffi ciently large number of young politicians, a comprehensive study of this generation not previously undertaken in our research has become possible. The political-psychological approach proposed by the author takes into account the subject-object character of youth in politics and is based on a combination of political, institutional and psychological principles of research. The approach is to study young political leaders both as separate individuals and as a generational community, combining generalized analysis with individual case studies. The fi rst of these methods makes it possible to obtain a socio-demographic profi le of the young political elite, revealing gender relations, prevailing levels and directions of education, their compliance with the positions held, as well as mechanisms and ways of entering the world of politics among young people. The method of studying individual cases involves the study of young politicians from the standpoint of analyzing their personal characteristics, among which the author highlights the self-concept, motivation, style of interpersonal relations and style of political behavior. The study of individual representatives of the young elite from this position allows us to get an idea about this generation’s ways of exercising power as well as to assess the prognostic potential of the young elite. The proposed approach to the study of the younger generation of politicians can contribute to the process of optimization of personnel policy and the formation of an eff ective system of recruiting young leaders.