Articles

Several decades ago, coding systems were developed for event analysis: Charles McClelland introduced the event analysis coding system WEIS (World Event Interaction Survey) and Edward Azar developed COPDAB (Confl ict and Peace Data Bank). In these systems the encoding process is performed by translating a verbal message about an event into a formalized set of data in a specifi c format. Both systems were created during the Cold War to analyze inter-state interactions; their use did not involve analysis of ethnic confl icts, organized crime, multilateral interventions or other threats. They were replaced by the integrated Confl ict Early Warning System (ICEWS). However, this system is still not widely used and all existing real-event analysis systems are based on WEIS and COPDAB. If one takes into account modern methods of interaction between states and introduce new indicators into the initial WEIS event analysis, the system can be used to study interstate relations at the present stage. The author attempts to use this system for the analysis of relationships between the Russian Federation and a selection of Caribbean countries.

In the analysis of the political process time can be represented as an institution — a set of temporal rules that are meant to be a resource and a constraint at the same time. These temporal rules are a constitutive element for any political system. They become a key point in the institutionalization of political order owing to their infl uence on the process of political decision-making and the choice of political instruments. The theoretical and methodological foundations of this approach, however, remain understudied. Turning to the theoretical basis of historical institutionalism and historical sociology, the author highlights the main methods of analyzing time as an institution in political science. The fi rst is the method of analytical decomposition of an event series: the emergence and development of temporal rules are presented in a sequence of decision-making series. Possible alternatives, the cumulative eff ects of time and the multiplicity of temporal variants of institutional functions are the focus of analysis here. The second method is that of structural-conditional analysis. For various types of political regimes, as well as in conditions of social, technological and bureaucratic acceleration and the forms of political participation generated by it, time can be understood as one of the limiting factors necessary for the articulation, discussion, adoption, implementation and consolidation of a decision.

This article discusses the main problems and threats that arise in connection with the study and exploration of outer space. Based on a theoretical review of these space challenges, the author maintains that the unresolved nature and further exacerbation of problems in the fi eld of space exploration pose a threat to both multilateral space activities and the security of all participants in contemporary world politics. Therefore, he continues, it is necessary to develop the most eff ective methods of solving the problems with the equal and active participation of all actors in “space relations.” In addition, the article concludes. it is extremely important to establish and maintain a regime for the free exploration and use of outer space, its objects and resources, by all participants in space activities — including the states and commercial organizations that are increasingly involved in the study and development of near space in the 21st century.

This article attempts to formulate the key features and defi nitions of buff er zones by comparing the positions of Russian and foreign specialists and analyzing the process of the creation of such buff ers in the 20th century. Variants of a wide and narrow approach to the interpretation of the “buff er zone” concept are proposed by the author and the concept is compared with other territories with a special regime — enclaves and exclaves, mandate territories and territories under international guardianship — that are close in meaning and character but far from them in goals and content. Given the fact that this study is mainly focused on the events of the fi rst half of the 20th century, the author does not consider other dependent territories with special status, such as vassal territories, dominions and others. Since the main focus is on the strategic presence of Russia and Japan in the East Asian region, most of the examples and analytical positions, are focused on the eastern direction of scholarly thought. This is important due to the fact that East Asia, as a specifi c geographical and ethnocultural region, had tangible features in the construction of buff er spaces and territories. They were expressed in a lower degree of participation of the international community in comparison with other regions of the world,; in the deep historical traditions of interaction of the states present in the region; in a mentality that does not presuppose haste and quick and radical solutions; in the absence of colonial practices; and in other ways.

This article treats the study of the theoretical foundations of the use of social technologies in foreign policy, describing various stages in the development of social technologies as well as their role in the foreign policy of modern states in achieving a leading position in the international arena. The author maintains that in the context of a changing world order, states seeking to strengthen their positions in the world actively use various forms and methods of humanitarian infl uence on the populations and political leadership of opposing states. Modern states employ various forms and types of social technologies, the article continues, for expansion in various areas of geopolitical space: territorial, economic, informational, social, cultural and ideological. The author further outlines the various forms and means of applying social technologies in foreign policy that are included in the arsenal of non-military methods for implementing a nation’s foreign policy objectives.

Rivalry between centers of power, the rise of extremism, unceremonious attempts at interference in the internal aff airs of sovereign states, the build-up of military preparations — all these and various other challenges and threats are putting international law, international mechanisms and the world order through very serious tests that will last for decades. Actions to undermine the global and national security of Russia are based on the economic, fi nancial, informational and military domination of the United States and on a broad system of alliances and international economic and fi nancial organizations operating under the auspices of Washington. To address these problems, “soft power” technologies can be skillfully applied in each of the spheres of state management: administrative, political, socioeconomic, cultural and ideological. Strategic culture is a unique tool to counter rivals and promote our own values in the conduct of foreign policy of the Russian Federation.

This article presents an analysis of the activities of Polish “think tanks” that specialize in the study of problems of information warfare, propaganda, misinformation and cybersecurity, drawing attention to the constant or periodic fulfi llment by these organizations of an unacknowledged function. The author concludes that the organizations under consideration act as both analytical centers and “infl uence groups” that promote specifi c content in the interests of the customer and act as tools for the implementation of information warfare. Taking into account the theory and practice of information wars, the article proposes to distinguish a special type of “think tank” involved in the process of international information warfare: the “dual-use” analytical center. The recognition of this type of organization will allow us to separate “think tanks” that act as scholarly research and analytical centers from structures fully or partially engaged in the actual processes of information confrontation between states in international relations.

In this article the authors address the problem of a declining level of public support for the Eurasian integration processes in Belarus — the country that has assumed the chairmanship in the Eurasian Economic Union (EUAU) in February 2020. Among external reasons for this, the activity of Western non-profi t organizations and think-tanks is cited. Domestic reasons include an insuffi cient presence of a pro-Eurasian agenda in the Belarusian media and the small number of pro- Eurasian non-profi t organizations that popularize integration processes at the level of civil society. The authors compare the work of non-profi t organizations in the EAEU countries, coming to the conclusion that in Belarus the situation is complicated by the uncertain legal status of volunteers. In conclusion, the article off ers recommendations for raising public support for Eurasian integration. For example, an increase in the number of non-profi t organizations and foundations to promote Eurasian integration could contribute to a positive attitude towards the EAEU in Belarus. In addition, the authors maintain, the necessity of adopting a law on the status of volunteers in the Republic of Belarus is well-founded.

This article discusses the signifi cance and developmental features of contemporary social movements, emphasizing their role in the modernization of society. Particular attention is paid to the process of social self-organization of social movements as a phenomenon that allows us to understand the basic defi ning framework of their development, the principles of societal functioning, and more clearly defi ne the role of the individual in the historical process. From a political science perspective, civil society is considered as not just a specifi c legal and economic form of interaction between society and the state, but as a vast and multifaceted space for mutual infl uence and interaction of social movements. Self-organization of social movements is seen as a natural and universal process that permits the resolution of active problems and maintains the stability of communities, forming and transforming structures for overcoming crisis phenomena in a timely manner. The article further presents an attempt to form a political science understanding of the theory of self-organization through the theory of resource mobilization (John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald), Per Bak’s theory of self-organized criticality, Neil Smelser’s value added theory, and the use of the network approach and framework analysis. The author closes by drawing a conclusion as to the importance of the process of self-organization of social movements in the political process.