Articles

This article presents an analysis of the interaction and cooperation of diff erent states in the Arctic region. The author examines the relationship between polar changes and the increase in geopolitical and geo-economic importance of the Arctic and, as a consequence, the increased interest in the region. Particular attention is paid to the fact that the clash of interests of diff erent states is a clash of diff erent environmental, economic and geopolitical approaches. The latter leads to complications in the search for common interests and the construction of models for their coordination in order to develop mutually benefi cial cooperation and minimize the risks of confl ict situations in this part of the world. The methodological basis of the research consists of analysis and synthesis, description and explanation, the dialectical approach, systematic and comparative analysis, and forecasting. The main conclusion of the study is that climate change and energy resources in the region are leading to increased geopolitical, economic and environmental activity, and as a consequence, closer cooperation in the economic, political and environmental spheres is likely to continue in the future to support the domestic economy and the local environment.

This article analyzes Soviet and Japanese ideas of the phenomenon of buff er statehood. Russia (and later the USSR) and Japan were the main players in the international arena of northeast Asia in the fi rst half of the 20th century, and it is these countries which built up a chain of buff er states that were designed, on the one hand, to ensure their presence in the region and, on the other hand, to protect them from potential military threats. For Soviet Russia, the Far Eastern Republic, which existed in 1920–1922 with capitals in Verkhneudinsk (currently Ulan-Ude) and Chita, acted as an eff ective tool that successfully served these ends in the majority of the territory of the modern Far Eastern Federal District. For Japan, attempts to form a buff er state in the territory of Siberia remained at the planning level, while the policy for the occupied regions of northeast China proved to be more successful. The occupation of Manchuria and the creation of the “ideal state” of Manchukuo, the formation of buff er autonomies in 1935–1937 on the territory of northern and eastern China, and consolidation of the buff er states n 1940 into the alternative “Republic of China” allowed the Japanese to work out in practice a model of military and economic presence which was then extended to other Asian regions that were in their zone of occupation.

This article deals with the policy of national-territorial division of the Central Asian republics pursued by the Bolsheviks. The analysis of these events is very important, yet assessments of them have been ambiguous from the standpoint of political situations arising in the current period. Border confl icts related to the structure of settlement of various nationalities in Central Asia have occurred very frequently. In this regard, it is necessary to analyze the motives and objectives of the political initiative that divided the territory and peoples of the Soviet east. The author also treats the question of the development of a national idea by the Bolsheviks within the new multinational nation during the fi rst stages of the consolidation of the Soviet power. In a situation involving the coexistence of diff erent nationalities in one state, there is a need for a common strategy to create favorable living conditions for the entire population. During the Soviet period, the aim of the Party was to build a homogeneous classless Communist society. The justifi cation of party leaders was reduced to this model. The delimitation of the republics could partially solve this problem.

This article addresses a number of acutely debatable issues related to the terminology, defi nition of the subject, the subject itself, the tasks and the principles of ethnopolitics. When considering the terminological aspects of ethnopolitical discourse, primary attention is paid to the use of the terms “nationality policy” and “ethnopolitics.” Based on an analysis of the fi eld and the subject of ethnopolitics, the author concludes that giving ethnic groups the status of full-fl edged political subjects leads to the dismantling of the civil and political unity of the nationality group. The article’s fi nal section discusses some examples of the typological approach to the models of ethnopolitics. The author demonstrates the lack of validity of a dichotomy of traditionalist and modernist projections of ethnopolitics, as well as the need to adjust the concept of “ethnic regimes.”

This article analyzes the diff erences between legal and political approaches to the defi nition of the content of the category “subject of the electoral process.” The purpose of the article is to operationalize this category from the perspective of political science. The regulatory-legal approach prevailing in Russian political science does not allow for analysis of the political strategies of all possible participants of electoral interactions. The author proposes to understand the electoral process as part of the political process, and presents its subjects as agents implementing their own strategies. The theoretical and methodological basis of the study is the neo-institutional approach, which allows us to consider the political process as a system of interactions among diff erent actors in the electoral space.

This article is devoted to the study of the evolution of humanitarian discourse in the nations of the West after the Second World War. Analyzing the transformation of approaches to the interpretation of human rights, human security and development presented in the program documents and political practice of the European Union countries and the USA, the author addresses the relationship between the politicization of humanitarian discourse and the universalization of the Western political identity.

The appearance on the political arena of the peculiar fi gure of Donald Trump appears to be an accident only at fi rst glance. In fact, though unrecognized by many it represents a pattern stemming from radical changes in various countries of the world and relations between them that occurred mainly in the last decade and that signify a radical change in the world order: the transition from a unipolar to a multipolar world. It is clear that this could not but aff ect the position of the United States in the world and the situation in America itself. The burden of the sole and exclusive world leader, which the Americans have been striving for since the founding of their state, turned out to be, though voluntarily shouldered, more than their powers could bear. That is the reason the “Russiagate” scandal, with accusations against the incumbent president and his people of collaboration with Russia, has been promoted to the forefront in this war. All this is happening in an environment of a new Cold War, unexpected both for us and for the United States — and more dangerous for both countries and all of humanity than its predecessor. An additional complicating factor is the unpredictability and uneven governing style of Trump himself. In any case, with this president and under his leadership, the country has entered into a state of deep internal crisis, at the same time provoking an external crisis, primarily in US-Russian and US-Chinese relations.

This article analyzes the specifi cs and causes of migration processes in the era of globalization. Attention is focused on the eff ect of the introduction of digital technologies that allow modern immigrants to gain detailed information about the recipient country in advance as well as constantly maintain ties with the Diaspora. The application of the systemic method by the authors makes it possible to form not only a holistic view of migration movements in the Mediterranean, but also to reveal the specifi city of the example of Italy. The ambiguity and even concern in the perception of immigrants in the Italian environment is emphasized. Attention is focused on the formation of a rather negative image in the media of an immigrant, who is viewed as a competitor in the economic sphere, as an additional burden in the social sphere, as a potential lawbreaker in the legal sphere and as a “destroyer” of traditions in the realm of things spiritual. The features of the ascent to power of right-wing populists on the wave of antiimmigration rhetoric are likewise analyzed. The article states that Islam in Italy is the second religion. The necessity of legal regulation of the situation of Islam in the country, in order to maintain stability and ensure the security of the state, society and the individual, is particularly underscored The authors note that only joint eff orts by the state and civil society along with interreligious dialogue can condition the integration of migrants (in this case, Muslims) into the host community.

Alongside globalization regionalization is considered the most important socioeconomic and political process of our time. The emergence of regional studies as a new scholarly fi eld for the study of internal and external factors in the development of territorial communities was a response to the need for studying the nature of regional processes and their infl uence on many aspects of international life and international relations. In the part of the subject fi eld designated as political regionology, where internationalized actions of regional social actors are considered, this area of knowledge is closely intertwined with the problems of the regional sociology of international relations. The relevance of research in this area is determined by several factors, including the increased activity of social processes at the regional level; the emergence of new social actors reaching the regional level; a non-linearity of global processes that requires regional instruments to counter global crises; and an understanding of the signifi cance of all aspects of spatial development.

The Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) is one of the most important international institutions ensuring the protection of Central Asia. One of the key areas of its work is countering the terrorist threat. The priority issues of the CSTO are suppressing the activities of terrorist and extremist organizations, countering terrorist recruitment and countering terrorist propaganda. The purpose of this article is to identify the features of the CSTO anti-terrorism strategy, primarily in the context of ensuring security in Central Asia, and especially under the threat of the movement of militants from defeated terrorist groupings in the Middle East to the Central Asian states. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the regulatory and legal basis for the cooperation of the organization, including in the context of reconciliation of the legislation of the participating states in the fi eld of countering terrorism. In particular, the signifi cance of adopting a single list of terrorist organizations is underscored. The features of the functioning of key institutions ensuring the implementation of CSTO anti-terrorist policy, as well as permanent operations and anti-terrorist exercises are considered in detail. The author comes to the conclusion that the CSTO has established itself as an eff ective mechanism for countering terrorism. However, there remains a need to work out such activities as countering the fi nancing of terrorism and combating the propaganda of terrorist ideology.